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Public sector & councilsMeasuring performanceDeep Dive9 August 2026

Councillors Had No Numbers to Argue With

Reform arrived and elected members had to form a view on how well their own council performs. Almost none had the evidence to argue it either way — not through lack of interest, but because the instruments were never built and statutory reporting fills the space where they should be.

When reform arrived, elected members needed a view on their council's operational performance. Most had no shortage of reporting to draw on, and a good deal of it is genuinely rigorous—the financial reporting especially. But financial prudence is not operational performance. Somewhere along the way the first became the whole narrative, and nobody appears to have noticed the second drop out of it. The instruments that would measure it were never built; an enormous volume of statutory reporting occupies the space where they should be.

What a councillor actually had to work with

Local government produces extraordinary volumes of reporting: Annual Reports, Long-Term Plans, performance measures, audits, and Section 17A reviews. It is thorough and externally scrutinised.

But none of it answers the right question.

This reporting shows whether the council delivered promised volumes—consents processed, requests closed, kilometres resurfaced. It omits what that output cost in effort. How many people, steps, and weeks did it take to reach a routine decision? That metric doesn't exist. Consequently, the question "are we effective?" collapses into "did we comply?"—and those are not the same thing.

Nobody decided to crowd out the real conversation

These reporting requirements were introduced for public accountability. No one intentionally built an ecosystem that suffocates the performance conversation; it simply grew, obligation by obligation.

Because it features numbers, targets, and red-amber-green dashboards, it masks reality: the organisation is only proving it kept promises on volume and timeliness. That narrow standard can easily be met by a slow, expensive council—you get the behaviour you measure.

And this reporting isn't free. It is assembled by the same staff meant to be delivering services. Ask anyone inside a council and the answer comes quickly—which is itself revealing: they can see the cost of producing the evidence clearly, while the performance it should illuminate stays invisible. The governance consequence is clear: an elected member reads a pack of green indicators and has no basis to say anything more useful than, "This looks fine."

The macro numbers that do exist don't support standing still

Where sector-wide productivity measures do exist, they don't justify the status quo.

Council spending on staff per resident, adjusted for salary inflation, has risen 50% to 100% over the past two decades. Over the same period, the wider New Zealand services sector lifted its labour productivity by about a third. Local government went backward.

The default explanation is compliance, and it is real—councils absorbed unfunded statutory work like consent liability, three waters, and statutory consultation. But the broader services sector absorbed two decades of new regulation while still extracting more output from the same workforce. For compliance alone to account for this swing, the burden falling on councils would have to dwarf the rest of the sector.

Crucially, being handed more work tells you nothing about how well an organisation absorbs it. Two councils handed the same obligation will not carry it at the same cost—and the reporting that shows which is which is precisely what nobody has.

This lack of evidence explains why pushback against reform was thin. Whether the status quo is defensible and whether amalgamation is the right solution are separate questions, and I have no view on the latter. But arguing against change required evidence nobody possessed.

The same water, a little warmer each year

Chief executives genuinely want their organisations to perform, but they have been sitting in the same water while it slowly boiled.

Each new reporting obligation arrived with a reasonable justification, taking a little more executive attention. Over two decades, the definition of how are we doing? silently migrated from results to compliance.

The tell is what an executive team's year is built around: Audits, Annual Reports, Long-Term Plans. All necessary, all-consuming. Ask a chief executive if their organisation makes routine decisions faster than three years ago, and you get an impression, not a number. The constraint isn't a lack of care; it is a lack of instruments.

This is one thread in a longer argument — the fuller case on council operational performance pulls the rest of it together.

What would change it

We don't need more reporting. We need less, pointed in the right direction.

Three metrics would give elected members real leverage, and none require legislation:

  • How many steps a routine approval passes through.
  • How much cumulative staff time a decision consumes.
  • What practically happens when something takes far longer than it should.

None of these requires a system, a consultant, or a budget line. Any team could establish all three within a fortnight, gathered by the people living inside the process. This is a return-on-effort measure. Implementing it requires an organisation willing to look at an unflattering number without treating it as an indictment—a cultural shift much harder to execute than a technical one.

Reform will resolve on its own timetable. But whatever structure emerges will require an answer to the performance question. Councils that build these instruments now will govern with evidence. The rest will eventually have this exact same conversation, just with different boundaries on the map.

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